Ik schreef reeds eerder: In de Torah staan, naast JHWH, een flink aantal elohiem opgesomd van andere volken. Ze worden allemaal 'elohiem' genoemd. En de archeologie leert dat JHWH eveneens een echtgenote had, genaamd 'Asjtarah'. Het verschil met de elohiem van andere volken was vrij klein. Toen het volk in ballingschap ging, nam men niet de lokale godsdienst over, maar heeft het volk de lokale elohiem JHWH een ruimere universelere betekenis gegeven zodat deze kon overleven binnen de nieuwe omgeving, in ballingschap. JHWH evolueerde mee met de omstandigheden en je kunt vrij helder het verschil tussen de Torah en de NaCH (de profeten & geschriften) zien. Met exegese valt dat heel goed te verenigen, maar de noodzaak tot exegese is verdacht. Uiteindelijk is JHWH geevolueerd in de onzichtbare elohiem (= macht, autoriteit) van de midrasj en het moderne Judaisme. (...)Rereformed schreef: ↑08 mei 2018 20:38Dan begrijp je mij niet helemaal goed. Dat het gebod in geschreven vorm eenmaal voorkomt zonder de bepaling dat de eerstgeboren zoon moet worden vrijgekocht laat zien dat je niet gemakkelijk kan spreken over "voorbijbelse Israëlische religie". Het is een voorbeeld van dat latere schriftgeleerden bepaalde teksten zeer wel hebben kunnen aanpassen. Zo heeft men inscripties gevonden uit de 8ste eeuw voor de jaartelling waaruit blijkt dat de godin Asjera de gemalin van Jahweh was.
Zie: klik
Zie ook hierboven. In de huidige T'NaCH wordt veelvuldig expliciet gesteld dat men geen kinderen mag offeren & verbranden. Deuteronomium 18:10 is daar een voorbeeld van (maar ik heb er reeds veel meer gegeven): niemand onder de Israelieten mag zijn zoon of dochter offeren. Het tegendeel wordt nergens bevolen. Dat dit desondanks voorkwam, is een gegeven dat eveneens expliciet wordt vermeld, bijv. in 2 Koningen 3:27 & 2 Koningen 21:6, waar de koning zijn eerstgeborenen offert. Maar in de huidige teksten wordt dit sterk afgekeurd. Dat wil zeggen dat de T'NaCH geen teksten heeft waarin de bijbelgod beveelt het ritueel offeren van kinderen daadwerkelijk uit te voeren. In de Talmoed wordt hierop nog grondiger ingegaan. Het Jodendom slacht geen kinderen. Dat is het lichtpuntje waarop Petra hoopte.Later (wellicht tijdens het koningschap van Josia) hebben bijbelschrijvers er van gemaakt dat het om afgodendienst (dus afvalligheid) zou gaan. In latere tijden zijn mensenoffers in alle culturen van het midden-oosten eenvoudig uitgestorven en is het denken veranderd.
Ik heb alle beschikbare commentaren gelezen & allen spreken jouw conclusie tegen & laten in hun commentaren de bijbelgod het offer juist zeer sterk afkeuren. Bijv:Een voorbeeld hiervan is het verhaal in 2 Kon. 3:26,27, waar men kan lezen dat de koning van Moab op het punt staat de strijd te verliezen. Als laatste redmiddel offert hij dan zijn eerstgeboren zoon op de muur ten brandoffer. Wanneer de Israelieten dat zien staken ze de strijd en keren ze terug naar hun land. Dat laat zien dat ze hetzelfde bijgeloof hadden wat betreft de uitwerking van deze daad, namelijk dat men via zo'n handeling zich kan verzekeren van de positieve aktie van de god waaraan geofferd wordt.
Keil and Delitzsch OT Commentary
But when this attempt failed, in his desperation he took his first-born son, who was to succeed him as king, and offered him as a sacrifice upon the wall, i.e., in the sight of the besiegers, not to the God of Israel (Joseph. Ephr. Syr., etc.), but to his own god Camos (see at 1 Kings 11:7), to procure help from him by appeasing his wrath; just as the heathen constantly sought to appease the wrath of their gods by human sacrifices on the occasion of great calamities (vid., Euseb. praepar. ev. iv. 16, and E. v. Lasaulx, die Shnopfer der Griechen und Rmer, pp. 8ff.). - "And there was (came) great wrath upon Israel, and they departed from him (the king of Moab) and returned into their land." As על קצף היה is used of the divine wrath or judgment, which a man brings upon himself by sinning, in every other case in which the phrase occurs, we cannot understand it here as signifying the "human indignation," or ill-will, which broke out among the besieged (Budd., Schulz, and others). The meaning is: this act of abomination, to which the king of the Moabites had been impelled by the extremity of his distress, brought a severe judgment from God upon Israel. The besiegers, that is to say, felt the wrath of God, which they had brought upon themselves by occasioning human sacrifice, which is strictly forbidden in the law (Leviticus 18:21; Leviticus 20:3), either inwardly in their conscience or in some outwardly visible signs, so that they gave up the further prosecution of the siege and the conquest of the city, without having attained the object of the
Jamieson-Fausset-Brown Bible Commentary
27. took his eldest son that should have reigned in his stead, and offered him for a burnt offering, &c.—By this deed of horror, to which the allied army drove the king of Moab, a divine judgment came upon Israel; that is, the besiegers feared the anger of God, which they had incurred by giving occasion to the human sacrifice forbidden in the law (Le 18:21; 20:3), and hastily raised the expedition, namely, to renew the subjugation of Moab under the power of Israel.
siege.
Barnes' Notes
Compare the marginal reference. Mesha, when his sally failed, took, as a last resource, his first born son, and offered him as a burnt-offering to appease the manifest anger of his god Chemosh, and obtain his aid against his enemies. This act was thoroughly in accordance with Moabitish notions.
And there was great indignation against Israel - Either the Israelites were indignant with themselves, or the men of Judah and the Edomites were indignant at the Israelites for having caused the pollution of this sacrifice, and the siege was relinquished.
Benson Commentary
There was great indignation against Israel, but, There was great trouble, or repentance upon (in or among) Israel: that is, they were extremely grieved on account of this barbarous sacrifice, and wished they had not pushed on a war so far, which ended in such a horrid action. They departed from him, and returned to their own land — They resolved to prosecute the war no further; but raised the siege, by common consent, and returned home, for fear any such thing should be done again.
Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
And there was great indignation [R.V. wrath] against Israel] The word rendered ‘wrath’ or ‘indignation’ is nearly always used of the wrath of God against offenders. But it appears difficult to take it in that sense here. God’s promise through Elisha was that Israel should conquer, and they were bidden to smite every fenced city and every choice city. Therefore unless we conceive that underlying God’s message there was conceived some point beyond which they were not to go, and that the forcing of the king to offer his son was of this character, it is hard to see how they could be held to blame and worthy of God’s wrath. They were in no position to know what the king intended, nor, when they saw him on the wall, to prevent his sacrifice. It seems better therefore to take ‘wrath’ in this place to signify ‘wrath of men’. The word is found in Ecclesiastes 5:17, ‘All his days he eateth in darkness, and is sore vexed and hath sickness and wrath’ (R.V.). This can be either of what the man feels himself, or of what others feel towards him. Taking the latter sense, the meaning here would be that in the minds of the men of Judah and Edom there rose indignation that they had been brought to partake in an expedition which led to such a dreadful sacrifice. If we apply the word to the feelings of the Israelites themselves, we get the sense that they were grieved and angry at so terrible a result, and so hastened to leave the dreadful scene. The margin of R.V., ‘There came great wrath upon Israel’, alludes to the anger of God, but it seems, as the preposition is ‘against’, to be better to understand that the allies were grieved at having shared in so disastrous a warfare. Josephus says the kings pitied the need which the Moabite monarch had felt when he offered up his child, and so withdrew.
and they departed from him] i.e. from the king of Moab. This seems to shew that it was the horrible act of the king which made them ready to be gone at once. It was not the land which they left. Had no such sacrifice as is here described taken place they would have prosecuted the siege according to the prophet’s word. But now they withdrew in horror.
Clarke's Commentary
Upon the wall - על החמה al hachamah. Rab. Sol. Jarchi says that the letter ו vau is wanting in this word, as it should be written חומה chomah, to signify a wall; but חמה chammah signifies the sun, and this was the god of the king of Moab: "And he offered his first-born son for a burnt-offering unto the sun." This is not very solid.
There was great indignation - The Lord was displeased with them for driving things to such an extremity: or the surrounding nations held them in abomination on the account; and they were so terrified themselves at this most horrid sacrifice, that they immediately raised the siege and departed. In cases of great extremity it was customary in various heathen nations to offer human sacrifices, or to devote to the infernal gods the most precious or excellent thing or person they possessed. This was frequent among the Phoenicians, Romans, and Greeks; and it was the natural fruit of a religious system which had for the objects of its worship cruel and merciless divinities.
Gill's Exposition
Then he took his eldest son that should have reigned in his stead, and offered him for a burnt offering upon the wall. And there was great indignation against Israel: and they departed from him, and returned to their own land.
Then he took his eldest son, that should have reigned in his stead,.... Not the eldest son of the king of Edom, whom the king of Moab had in his hands before, which made the king of Edom the more willing to join in this expedition for the recovery of his son, as Joseph Kimchi thinks; or whom he took now in his sally out upon him, as Moses Kimchi and Ben Gersom, proceeding upon a mistaken sense of Amos 2:1 for the king of Edom could have no son that had a right, or was designed to succeed him, since he was but a deputy king himself; and besides, the sacrificing of him was not the way to cause the kings to raise the siege, but rather to provoke them to press it the more closely: it was the king of Moab that took his son and heir to the crown,
and offered him for a burnt offering upon the wall; that it might be seen by the camp of Israel, and move their compassion; or rather this was done as a religious action, to appease the deity by an human sacrifice so dear and precious, to give success, and cause the enemy to break up the siege; and was either offered to the true God, the God of Israel, in imitation of Abraham, as some Jewish writers fancy (n), or to his idol Chemosh, the sun; and Jarchi observes, out of an exposition of theirs, that "vau" is wanting in the word for wall, and so may be interpreted of the sun, towards which this burnt offering was offered; and it is observed, from various Heathen authors, that it was usual with the Heathens, when in calamity and distress, to offer up to their gods what was most dear and valuable to them; and particularly the Phoenicians (o), and from them the Carthaginians had this custom, who at one time offered up two hundred sons of their nobility, to appease their gods (p):
and there was great indignation against Israel; not of the king of Edom against them, for not rescuing his son, or because they were the means of this disaster which befell him; but of the king of Moab, who was quite desperate, and determined to hold out the siege to the utmost extremity: and they departed, and returned to their own land; the three kings, the one to Edom, the other to Israel, and the third to Judah; when they saw the Moabites would sell their lives so dear, and hold out to the last man, they thought fit to break up the siege; and perhaps were greatly affected with the barbarous shocking sight they had seen, and might fear, should they stay, something else of the like kind would be done.
(n) T. Bab. Sanhedrin, fol. 39. 2. Pesikta in Abarbinel in loc. (o) Vid. Euseb. Evangel. Praepar. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40. l. 4. c. 16. p. 156. Porphyr. de Abstinentia, l. 2. sect. 56. Vid. Aelian. Var. Hist. l. 12. c. 28. (p) Diodor. Sicul. Bibliothec. l. 20. p. 756.